We believe that Hebron is one of the strongest cases against the Israeli occupation of Palestine. Hebron is a microcosm of the human rights abuses that take place all over the West Bank. By building focused campaigns and projects in a particular locality, we hope to define achievable goals that will set a legal and political precedent for change in other areas of the occupied Palestinian territories as well.

In Hebron, we are able to build a broad coalition of organizations and individuals who adhere to a range of political ideologies in order to work together for equality in the city. Hebron has great significance for the Israeli settlement movement, and any changes on the ground in Hebron will have broad ramifications throughout the territories.

In doubt about where to stand on Israel-Palestine? Visit Hebron and see the situation with your own eyes.

Hebron is a city deep inside the Palestinian territories. Israeli settlements in these territories are illegal according to the Fourth Geneva Convention. The issue is not that the settlers have only 3% of the city, but rather that they are controlling part of an occupied city.

H1, an area which consists of about 80% of Hebron, is controlled by the Palestinian Authority. H2, the remaining 20%, is controlled by the Israeli military. Israeli settlers, who make up less than 1% of the population of Hebron, control 20% of the city, which is not only incredibly disproportionate but also illegal.

In order to allow the settlers to live in a small part of H2, the Israeli army exerts control over a much larger proportion of the city in order to secure a buffer zone for the settlement. While the settlers themselves do not travel around most of H2, the Israeli military patrols the entirety of H2, thereby placing restrictions on Palestinian movement throughout this part of Hebron.

Although H2 is a relatively small portion of the city, it is Hebron’s true city center, where the industrial and commercial zones, as well as the most important landmarks, are located. H2 is also an important passageway between the northern and southern parts of the city. Therefore, restricting movement in H2 significantly affects the freedom of movement of all residents of Hebron.

It is not for the Israeli military to decide whether it is convenient or inconvenient for Palestinians. This attitude of entitlement and legitimacy is a by-product of prolonged foreign occupation of a local population. Palestinian residents of Hebron are not considered or consulted regarding whether the closure of their streets is in their security interest. Rather, the Israeli army makes decisions on their behalf and dictates the way Palestinians are allowed to live in their city.

Shuhada Street is Hebron’s main street; traveling on it and crossing it are essential to vibrant life and commerce in the area.

No. Shuhada Street was initially closed to Palestinian shops and vehicular traffic in 1994 after the Israeli settler Baruch Goldstein killed 29 and injured 150 Palestinians when he opened fire in the Ibrahimi Mosque (Tomb of the Patriarchs) during prayers. The army cited fear of Palestinian revenge attacks as its rationale for closing the street.

The street was reopened to traffic (but not commerce) in 1997 in accordance with the Hebron Protocol. In 2000, Shuhada Street was closed completely to traffic and partially to pedestrians. The street was effectively “sterilized” in 2002 by closing it off to all forms of Palestinian movement.

 It doesn’t. In 2004, Palestinians appealed to the Israeli Supreme Court about restrictions on their movement in H2. In November 2005, the State replied that Shuhada Street is open to regular traffic, only closed to shops and vehicles, admitting that there had been legal problems with closures throughout Hebron.

In reality, areas marked on State and military maps as open to traffic and commerce are often closed. A 2005 Children of Abraham video demonstrated that soldiers regularly prevent Palestinians from walking in areas indicated as open, and that some areas without indications of closure are sealed with barbed wire and concrete blocks.

A letter of complaint received a reply from the military in December 2006 stating that the street had been closed by mistake. The next Friday, the street was opened, and on Sunday Palestinians were allowed to cross, but only after being detained for two hours while international volunteers escorting them were arrested.

The street was closed de facto by military orders. Later, soldiers’ testimonies revealed that they had received orders to prevent people from wanting to be there. In 2007, the Supreme Court revisited the case, but the night before the decision, the military temporarily unsealed homes and allowed limited access, arguing that the street remained closed because all businesses and homes were already shut.

 There is a real fear of terrorism, supported by hundreds of successful and attempted Palestinian attacks on Israeli settlers, soldiers, and police officers in Hebron. The separation policy responds to this fear by insisting that it is necessary to protect Israeli settlers as long as they are living in the center of a Palestinian city.

However, this policy reflects the political reality in the city rather than creating it. As long as there is a policy allowing Israeli settlement in Hebron, infringement of Palestinians’ civil and human rights necessarily follows.

Our focus is on restoring Palestinian life in Hebron. We believe that there is no way to ensure a dignified life for Palestinians if a foreign presence in the city remains in control.

The Tomb of the Patriarchs is divided into Muslim and Jewish sections. On most days, each group is allowed to pray in its designated area, although access is difficult for Palestinians, who must pass several checkpoints before reaching the Ibrahimi Mosque.

For ten days a year, each group has access to the entire site, while the other group is not allowed to enter.

For 700 years, non-Muslims were denied access to the Tomb of the Patriarchs, permitted only to pray as high as the seventh step of a staircase on the southern wall. There is a fear that if Israel were not in control, non-Muslims could again be denied access.

We believe in freedom of access to holy places throughout Israel and Palestine for all religions. In any future agreement, we would call for Palestinian authorities to allow open access to the Tomb of the Patriarchs, just as we would call for Israeli authorities to offer open access to holy sites within their borders.

It would also be ideal if, under a future agreement, neither Israel nor the Palestinian Authority restricted residence in cities or neighborhoods based on ethnicity or religion.

The Israeli settlers in Hebron represent the extreme end of the movement in terms of their disregard for Israeli law. However, the policies that protect and allow the expansion of their settlements are consistent with those throughout the occupied Palestinian territories.

In the occupied Palestinian territories, two systems of law operate simultaneously. Israeli military law is imposed on Palestinians, while Israeli settlers are governed by Israeli civil law.

Israeli soldiers enforce military law on Palestinians, while Israeli police enforce Israeli law on Israeli citizens. These parallel systems, applied to two populations living in the same space, do not prioritize Palestinian security or legal stability.

The Israeli Supreme Court serves as the highest court of appeal for Palestinians but defines itself as an Israeli court being used by Palestinians rather than a court for all residents.

Examples:

• Stone throwers: Israeli children fall under civil law and are often diverted to social services. Palestinian children are tried in military courts and often detained.

• Protesters: Israelis must be brought before a judge within 24 hours. Palestinians can be held for up to eight days before seeing a judge.

There is a battalion of approximately 500 soldiers stationed in Hebron, along with about 140 border police and 30–50 police officers.

Enforcing security regulations in a dense urban area within a hostile environment requires significant force. These forces are sometimes also involved in protecting Palestinians and their property from settler violence.

Officially, municipal services in H2 are provided by the Palestinian Authority.

Roads are maintained by the municipality or the Hebron Rehabilitation Committee. Electricity for all residents comes from Israel, with Palestinian residents receiving it via the Palestinian Authority. Israeli settlers receive water through the settlement of Kiryat Arba, while Palestinians receive water through the Palestinian Authority, which purchases it from Israel.

Garbage collection is the responsibility of the Palestinian Authority, though during periods of violence settlers have managed their own waste.

Israeli, Palestinian, and international organizations are actively working to improve the human rights situation in Hebron, often in coordination.

• Youth Against Settlements organizes nonviolent community resistance and youth training.

• B’Tselem documents abuses through its Camera Distribution Project.

• The Hebron Rehabilitation Committee engages in legal work and infrastructure restoration.

• Breaking the Silence conducts educational tours.

• Children of Abraham coordinates agricultural work and solidarity visits.

• The Tel Rumeida Popular Committee is developing a community and media center.

• Yesh Din and the Association for Civil Rights in Israel engage in legal advocacy.

• The Ecumenical Accompaniment Program provides international protective presence.